The EU Ref: An Analysis

"It's a strange thing with memory...the more we focus on artificial concepts, the easier it is to neglect the existence of real people."- Agata Pyzik

“That England, that was wont to conquer others, Hath made a shameful conquest of itself.” – William Shakespeare

BACKGROUND

For those who don’t know, I have spent the last four months working 80-90 hour weeks for the Britain Stronger In Europe campaign. In my often lonely role as a homebased Field Organiser, I did everything I could to secure a Remain vote and like many others, have taken the result very hard.

I am not a blinkered Europhile and have always been quite pragmatic in my support of the EU. However, voting to “Remain” always seemed a much wiser choice than the ramifications and risks of voting to “Leave”.

But for many, the referendum was about so much more. Throughout the campaign, I shared the worries of many about how an out vote would affect the relations between different parts of the United Kingdom, and about its effect on how we perceive ourselves, and how we are perceived by the rest of the world. 

I still have these concerns.

But this is not a confessional, and I do not dispute the legitimacy of the result. Having had the referendum dominate my life for the last five months, however, I do feel the need to process some thoughts and perhaps provide some insight and hope for those who voted Remain.

To those wary of bias, I have included comment on both the Vote Leave and Britain Stronger in Europe campaigns and honest observations of those I met who voted to leave the EU. Obviously, I believe my assessments to be fair and reflective of the experience of many who volunteered and worked for the Remain campaign.

PROJECT FEAR

Much has been said about false promises and fear messages from both sides. For my part, I am confident that no one in Britain Stronger in Europe was fearmongering. It was legitimate, even responsible, to warn the public of the potential consequences of voting to leave.

THE POLITICAL ESTABLISHMENT

Far from being the Establishment, my campaign volunteer colleagues were from diverse backgrounds and professions, often people who had not campaigned before. They proved to have impressive expertise.

Far from swallowing and spouting rhetoric, they spoke with people on an accessible level, delivering a positive message, giving their reasons for voting in, and addressing misconceptions about the EU. They remained respectful of people’s views in the face of quite combative members of the public, enduring abuse, threats and, occasionally, physical violence. They were a credit to this country and I am incredibly proud of the teams I supported.

THE LABOUR PARTY

Less impressive (and sadly for me) was the Labour Party, which I joined when I was eighteen and in which I have always been active. The failure of the national leadership to present a distinctive and persuasive case for Labour voters to vote Remain undoubtedly hurt the campaign, as has been acknowledged in some Labour circles. 

They were so concerned about being perceived as “sleeping with the enemy” (remembering how toxic it proved to be in the Scottish referendum) that they held back from a campaign that badly needed their input. They failed to engage Labour voters until it was too late, and possibly missed an opportunity to broaden Labour’s appeal. It was sometimes left to the Prime Minister and other leading Conservatives (to some, the faces of austerity) to try to convince voters in Labour areas, with wholly predictable consequences.

Symptomatic of this  issue, at a Labour Party event where I spoke to enlist support  for “Stronger In”, I was told by a prominent pro-Remain MP  “not to bother” trying to engage with floating voters who had not always stuck with  Labour in the past. Many of us within the local party found such cynicism astounding. It was greatly reassuring to find that such attitudes did not extend to the party at local level.

THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY

I feel the parliamentary Conservative Party should also take the blame for holding a national referendum that few people beyond UKIP and their own right wing were clamouring for- they opened this Pandora’s Box and bear the heaviest responsibility for whatever ensues.

THE PUBLIC’S RESPONSE

The response from the public was generally polite, almost uniformly so from the under fifties. Many responded to the positive messages about the future of the country in a global economy, and were grateful for the contribution that migrant workers make to UK society and its economy. This was particularly the case when talking about the NHS.

Of those less civil, the negative responses I received myself varied from derogatory comments about my age, appearance and intellect, through abusive language or sardonic laughter to (though not  often) threats and physical violence. Many volunteers shared these experiences, and several enthusiastic campaigners ended their involvement with the campaign as a consequence. The frequency of this abuse notably decreased in the last week of the campaign. 

Significantly, those old enough to remember the Second World War overwhelmingly expressed support for remaining in the EU. One of the most memorable conversations of the campaign was with an 84 year old man who remembered standing in the bombed ruins of Southampton city centre.

THE CAMPAIGN
The brevity of the campaign (yes, I know it didn’t feel like it!) and the lack of a longer time to try to wear down those voters whose minds had been entirely engaged both by sensationalist headlines and by the soundbites of two celebrity politicians for Brexit, hurt the Remain campaign. We did not understand quickly enough that the many people in Britain angry with the way austerity measures have been applied, had made the odd connect of holding the EU responsible for the nation’s problems. This perspective was already deeply embedded in people’s minds by the performances of UKIP’s Nigel Farage. I think we underestimated how far this view pertains (or pertained, as some people feel wiser now).

Campaigners for Stronger In found most self-identified Brexit voters combative and voluble, closed to the possibility that they had any misconceptions.

Common reasons for leaving were:

We’re full up.

We need to stop the immigrants.

We’re dictated to by people we didn’t elect.

We have no sovereignty.

We don’t like the open borders.

We want Britain to be Great again.

I voted for a common market in 1975 and I was lied to.  

Often people wanted to talk about the nation’s past, not its future. Many were focused on how everything would be better when we “take back control”. The anti-EU message had had years to develop and campaigners for Stronger In often described the mood of Brexiters as deeply xenophobic.

VOTE LEAVE
The Leave campaign hi-jacked the nation’s affection for the NHS, lied about immigration and perpetuated the myth of an idyllic pre-EU past. Some ambitious politicians on the Leave side posed as ordinary blokes who encouraged the public not to trust politicians. I think we expected the public to see through them, but with some voters, their lies prevailed. They backed those politicians against their local, cross- party Stronger In campaigners, who really had no agenda for personal glory.

Those voters feel that a fraud was perpetrated on them. And we can all agree that blame lies with the politicians who misled these people, not the voters who believed them.

Ultimately, it was probably these false promises, a legitimate pent up frustration, a feeling of powerlessness and a lack of understanding of what  the EU does that secured the Leave vote. Most of us know by now that the most “googled” search term the morning after the vote was “What is the EU?”

THE FUTURE
Writing a few days after the referendum, I feel that many people see themselves in a lose/lose situation. Those who voted Leave will search in vain for the fairy tale Britain they have been envisaging. Those who voted Remain will feel that they are losing the decent, imperfect country that they loved. Might this lead to an even more divided society? Might the complex and difficult EU “divorce” leave us more anti-Europe?

Well….I don’t think so. The politics of “Us and Them” didn’t work with my generation in either this referendum or the one held in Scotland. There is no reason to believe that it will work with the next, who, particularly in cities, are growing up with citizens from other parts of Europe in their midst. 48% of those who voted wanted to remain in the EU and it is becoming clear that many of those who voted out wanted to limit the relationship, not end it. The United Kingdom is, in the main, an outward looking nation, and for many, a beacon of hope and decency in the world.

That didn’t change on Thursday.